Sierra Leone's 2012 Elections at a Glance

The Candidates

The upcoming November elections will once again put Sierra Leone’s peace and democracy to the test as incumbent APC President Earnest Bai Koroma runs for reelection and as his opponents harshly criticize his first term in office.

As the strongest opponent to the ruling APC party, the SLPP hopes to regain the Office of the President in November with their candidate Julius Maada Bio. A reported 19 candidates ran for the position as the SLPP’s “flagbearer” for the 2012 election, which ended in Bio’s victory. As previously mentioned, Retired Brigadier Julius Maada Bio¹ was involved in the 1996 coup that overthrew President Joseph Saidu Momoh and later returned Sierra Leone to civilian rule just months later. During my interview with Francis Ansumana, he referred to Bio as the “man of peace” for Sierra Leone – referencing Bio’s political move to return Sierra Leone to a democratic and civilian government.

Julius Maada Bio selected Kadiatu Sesay as his running mate – making her the first female running mate the country has ever seen, which can be considered a large step towards gender equality in a country where domestic violence is high. In an article written by Bio for the Huffington Post he argues that “… the APC…has not been as supportive of democracy as people once hoped”.² Furthermore, Bio attests that the current economic situation of Sierra Leone is contradictory to the economic growth story that the APC espouses.  Bio states that, “For ordinary Sierra Leoneans, life has become much harder. Rice, flour and fish - the essential foodstuffs of our people - have doubled in cost since 2007. Fuel prices have rocketed.³ Five million Sierra Leoneans remain in desperate poverty. This decline is in contradiction to a Government that portrays itself as spearheading an economic boom”.⁴ Bio’s rhetoric on economic struggle resonates with many Sierra Leoneans who are struggling to afford basic living necessities. Whether or not Bio’s promises of a return to democracy and economic prosperity will win him the election remain to be seen, since many attribute the Chinese-development projects as a success by the Koroma government.

Many believe that the voter turnout will be high in the November 2012 election because “people want to change the government”.⁵ Although Koroma has built roads, improved infrastructure with immense help from the Chinese, and expanded the mining sector⁶, he has failed to create jobs, provide food, and improve electricity.⁷ People in Bo argue that Sierra Leoneans are ready for a change because there are still “so many people languishing in town, [there are] so many thieves, and cannibalism, and other things”.⁸ Koroma can claim to have brought improvements in infrastructure and roads, but the average Sierra Leonean will make their decision based on how their life has been directly impacted by Koroma – if they see no improvement then they will likely vote for the opposition.

People's Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC) Office Headquarters in Bo, Sierra Leone

The third strongest political party, the Peoples Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), has elected Charles Francis Magrai as its candidate for the November election. However, many remain doubtful that the PMDC will pose a significant threat to the two main political parties.⁹ Donstance Koroma, a contributor to the Sierra Leone media outlet Sierra Express Media, argues that the PMDC “…currently lacks what it takes to secure a vote that will cause a run off because the membership of the party is politically devastated and malnourished, hence it cannot create the desired impact compared to what it did in 2007”.¹⁰ I would argue that the PMDC stands no significant chance of winning the Presidential election since it draws from the same constituency as the SLPP. Since both parties draw from the Mende majority Southern and Eastern regions, they cut each other’s constituency in half which prevents either party from posing a large threat to the still unified APC party. Furthermore, the SLPP/PMDC split might assure future APC victories if the PMDC continues to throw its support behind the APC candidate during runoff elections. If this continues to be the case, APC victories will be facilitated in the future and the ethnic makeup up APC voter base will begin to be diversified with the increase in Southern Mende supporters.

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¹ During my interview with Francis Ansumana, he consistently referred to Bio by his full title as “Retired Brigadier Julius Maada Bio”. Whether this is a mere formality, coincidence, or an example as to what the full title entails – I do not know. However, for what it is worth, Francis Ansumana also repeatedly referred to Bio as “the most handsome man in Sierra Leone”. My interview with Ansumana was conducted in Bo, Sierra Leone which is an SLPP ‘stronghold’; therefore, his reverence towards Bio might well be an illustration of Bo’s loyalty to SLPP politics.

² Julius Maada Bio, “2012: The Year forChange in Sierra Leone - and Africa,” Huffington Post, February 22, 2012.

³ During my stay in Sierra Leone, Bo-Town ran out of petrol. We were often left stranded halfway through a car ride somewhere and the driver would always shrug and say, “Da fuel lef wi” – 'We ran out of fuel'. In order to get around town, we had to purchase oil off the ‘black market’ which was sold clandestinely by roadside venders in one litre bottles. Sierra Leone’s okada drivers also had to purchase oil off the black market in order to keep their business going. The lines at petrol stations were city blocks long if there was oil, and when there was oil, they would be deserted.

⁴ Julius Maada Bio, “2012: The Year for Change in SierraLeone - and Africa,” Huffington Post, February 22, 2012.

⁵ Francis Ansumana, interview by Karen Kilberg, Bo, Sierra Leone, December 11, 2011.

⁶ African Minerals and London Minerals are Sierra Leone’s two largest mining companies. Both have participated in the recent “iron ore renaissance” that has taken place and which is putting to the test the ‘resource curse’ in Sierra Leone. Many believe the recent expansion of mining efforts could significantly aid in bringing development, yet others are skeptical. Some Sierra Leoneans believe that Koroma will cite the expansion of the mining sector as a reason why he she be reelected: “Koroma will be arguing…'I created the enabling environment that allowed these companies to operate', but [the] failure to deliver on promises of jobs could be dangerous, setting up the possibility of unrest while the number of unemployed youth is ballooning.”; Simon Akam, “S.Leone in Uphill Battle to Avoid ‘Resource Curse,’” Reuters, January 25, 2012.

⁷ Sierra Leone is still nearly completely run on generators. Even in the capital of Freetown, once the sunsets the city becomes dark with the exception of a few houses who have generators. The rest of the city is lit by roadside candlelight.

⁸ Francis Ansumana, interview by Karen Kilberg, Bo, Sierra Leone, December 11, 2011.

⁹ While driving out of the capital of Freetown to Bo, my driver, Tony, was discussing the upcoming elections with a fellow passenger. Discussion of politics was heated while driving through the congested streets of Freetown and Tony stated that if the APC and SLPP prepare themselves for runoff elections, then runoffs will not occur. However, if they do not then he believe the PMDC would garner enough votes to result in a runoff election; Tony, interview by Karen Kilberg, Freetown, Sierra Leone, Novemebr 17, 2011.

¹⁰ Donstance Koroma, “PMDC and the 2012Election,” Sierra Express Media, September 8, 2010.

2007 Sierra Leone Elections: Changing the Playing Field

Yuki Yuki Politics
Sierra Leone is considered to have multiparty elections and this is evident in the nine political parties that ran for election in 2002 and the six (before the SLPP split) that participated in the 2007 elections. However, two main political parties have historically dominated the political scene in Sierra Leone: The All People’s Congress (APC), which I previously described to be Temne-dominated; and the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), which I mentioned earlier is traditionally Mende-dominated. Both the APC and SLPP are the oldest (and first) political parties in the Sierra Leone; therefore, their popularity and power is unsurprising.

The contenders for the 2007 election included Earnest Bai Koroma of the APC party and Charles Margai, the son of Albert Margai and the nephew of the late Prime Minister Milton Magrai, who was the favorite to be the flagbearer for the Sierra Leone People’s party. However, internal discord and yuki yuki¹ caused an internal divided within the SLPP.

Ahmad Tejan Kabbah’s Vice President from 2002-2007 was Solomon Berewa, a rich lawyer turned politician from central Sierra Leone. Given the fact that often in Sierra Leaonean politics (and much of African politics as a whole) money is king – Solomon Berewa bribed election delegates at polling stations during the by-elections that were to decide who would become the SLPP’s candidate.² Given the low standard of living throughout Sierra Leone and the abject poverty that most Sierra Leoneans live in, the election delegates decided to accept the bribe and make it seem as if Berewa won the SLPP’s candidacy.

Charles Margai had clear reason to be upset with the fraudulent results. As a response to the false election results, Margai subsequently made his own political party – the People’s Movement from Democratic Change (PMDC). However, as what usually happens when a strong third party enters the political arena, the PMDC split the SLPP constituency, which cleared the way for the APC candidate, Earnest Bai Koroma, to win the election.

The first round of elections that took place in 2007 resulted in 44.34% of the votes for Koroma (APC), 38.28% for Berewa (SLPP), and 13.89% for Margai (SLPP), with the other votes being for the other less popular candidates (none of whom managed to receive over 2% votes).³ Since no candidate won the necessary 55% majority to win the election, run-offs were scheduled. Given that the PMDC was a new political party with the only strong support coming from the Mende-majority city of Bo in Central/Southern Sierra Leone, his chances of making it past the primary election were presumably slim.

Final Presidential Election Results (2007) – First Round⁴

After Margai’s initial defeat, he dropped out of the second round of elections and publicly declared his support for Komora of the All People’s Congress. According to Francis Ansumana, “Margai went on the radio and said to da [people] dem, ‘you know those [people] have betrayed me. If you want…to be my supporter…I am out of the race now, but vote for APC’ – and so the people voted for APC”.⁵ Those who were strong supporters of Margai and his policies obeyed and threw their support behind Koroma.

The run-off elections concluded with Koroma winning with 54.60% of the vote and Berewa obtaining 45.40%.⁶ When looking at the election results broken down by major cities, the North/South-APC/SLPP divide is quite evident. Cities like Bo, Kenema, Moyamba, Pujehun, and Kailahun – all located in the South and East of the country – voted primarily for SLPP while the other districts voted mostly APC. The election results meant that the Presidency switched over from an SLPP President (Ahmad Tejan Kabah) to an APC President (Koroma), and Solomon Berewa peacefully accepted defeat.

Presidential Run-off Election Results (2007) by Major City⁷

Despite the yuki yuki that lead to SLPP’s split, the 2007 election proved that many Sierra Leonean politicians were invested in moving the country from a decade of violence to peace. However, the SLPP split had the power to drastically change Sierra Leonean politics (perhaps in favor of the APC) for future elections. Furthermore, when one considers the political divide along ethnic lines, the SLPP and PMDC split might well result in PMDC taking some of the Mende constituency from the SLPP and moving it to the APC, as long as PMDC candidates continue to support the APC candidate during run-off elections. If this is to happen, then it might well be the beginning of depolitization of ethnic identities.

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¹ Yuki Yuki is the Krio word for ‘corruption’ in Sierra Leone

² Francis Ansumana, interview by Karen Kilberg, Bo, Sierra Leone, December 11, 2011.

³ Republic of Sierra Leone National Electoral Commission, Progressive Results Summary, August 25, 2007.

⁴ Sierra Leone National Electoral Commission, “Presidential and Vice-Presidential Election (Ordered by VotesObtained),” Progressive Results Summary, August 25, 2007, 6.

⁵ Francis Ansumana, interview by Karen Kilberg, Bo, Sierra Leone, December 11, 2011.

⁶Republic of Sierra Leone National Electoral Commission, Final Results Summary, September 17, 2007.

⁷ Sierra Leone National Electoral Commission, “Presidential Runoff Election” Final Results Summary, September 17, 2007, 4.

Is Multipartyism the Answer for Sierra Leone?

Some Sierra Leonean political analysts question the merits of multipartyism in a country that is ethnically divided when it comes to politics. Multi-party elections are considered a vital component to a true democracy for many in the West, but the politization of ethnic identities in Sierra Leone and elsewhere in Africa leave some wondering if multipartyism is really the correct answer for their political woes.

Ibrahim B. Kai-Samba argues that the division among ethnic groups when it comes to politics is ironic given the “flexibility” or plasticity of ethnic identities, which are largely considered social constructs by many scholars. It is especially odd to have ethnicity and religion play such a large role in Sierra Leonean politics given that the country has a large amount of people inter-marry between tribes and religions.¹ Kargbo goes on to argue that if multipartyism has only “succeeded in dividing” Sierra Leoneans along ethnic lines, then “why practice it?”.² Others have argued that the politization of ethnicity has turned them away from certain political parties, like the former SLPP youth leader who claimed that Julius Maada Bio was trying “…to dominate other tribes in Sierra Leone, particularly the Temnes, [Krios], Lokos, [and] Limbas”.³ Although the factuality and impartiality of this young man’s argument might be debatable, it does remind one that there is the potential for progressive change if enough voters realize how ethnicity has been co-opted by politics.

I would argue that Kargbo’s interpretation of the politization of ethnic identities is a bit harsh and that scrapping the multiparty model is not the answer to Sierra Leone’s political troubles. However, Kargbo does raise a valid point in that if the nation wishes to emerge from its violent past and continue to forge a truly democratic government, then politics needs to be less about ethnicity and more about supporting candidates who will make decisions that will benefit all Sierra Leoneans regardless of tribe.

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¹ One unique aspect of Sierra Leone that sets it apart from many of its other religiously divided African counterparts is its religious tolerance. Sierra Leone is mostly Muslim with a large population of Christians, yet even so, inter-marrying between the two religions is very popular and widely accepted. During last 6 week trip to Sierra Leone, I was able to view a wedding between a Muslim groom and a Christian wife. The wedding ceremony took place in a mosque first and then a church right afterward, with the wedding reception held at a religiously neutral location off-site. However, despite this religious tolerance, many politicians are trying to win over the 'Christian vote' in the country by trying to convince prominent Christians throughout the country to enter into politics. This, I would argue, is not good and might have the potential to divide rather than further unify the two religious populations.

² Ibrahim B. Kai-Samba, “Multipartyism in Sierra Leone,” Sierra Express Media, February 12, 2012 .

³ “‘Raw Violence& Tribalism Turning People off SLPP’ - Blamoh Roberts", Awareness Times, September 15, 2011.

Politicizing Ethnic Identities in Sierra Leone

Initially I drew no parallels between Sierra Leonean politics and the various ethnic groups that comprise nation. The civil war was not founded upon ethnic grievances and ethnicity is rarely cited in election campaigns. However, after examining Sierra Leone’s ethnic groups mapped out and comparing it to where the various political party ‘strongholds’ are, parallels can be drawn between the two.

Sierra Leonean Ethnic Groups Mapped (via Wikipedia)

As noted by Jimmy Kandeh, many sub-Saharan African states have politicized ethnic identities in order to secure elite domination rather than allowing politics to be a means through which minority ethnic groups can (some) gain political power.¹ Although Sierra Leone’s politicization of ethnicity is not as salient as in other sub-Saharan African countries, such as Rwanda, it nonetheless exists.

Sierra Leone is comprised of around sixteen various ethnic groups. The two main ethnicities are Temne, who tend to live in the Northern region of the country, and Mende, who are primarily based in the Southern and Eastern regions. Both the Temne and Mende each constitute around 30% of the population, while the third largest ethnic group, the Limba, account for 9% and are close allies with the Temne and also based in the North.² The rest of Sierra Leone’s ethnic groups comprise the rest of the country’s ethnic makeup, with the formerly politically-dominant descendants of the resettled slaves, the Krios, comprising around 6% of the population and based mostly in Freetown and its environs.³ The Sierra Leonean political system requires a 55% majority to win an election; therefore, if the two dominant ethnic groups in Sierra Leone – the Mende and Temne – were to collaborate, they would always be assured victory. However, both groups have historical (political) animosity towards each other which prevents their collaboration and necessitates them to form alliances with the smaller ethnic groups to assure their victory. Clearly this ethnically-dominated political environment favors almost exclusively the Mende and Temne, while essentially guaranteeing that none of the smaller ethnic groups will ever take political control.

Because of the historical animosity⁴ between the Mende and Temne, Sierra Leone’s main political parties tend to be split along these two ethnic lines. Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) is largely considered to be a Mende-dominated party, while the All Peoples Congress (APC), created by Siaka Stevens, is considered a Temne “alternative” that aimed to “…put an end to Mende political dominance” and emancipate northern Temnes from Mende rule.⁵ Therefore, the APC ‘stronghold’ is often considered to be in the Northern Temne-dominated regions of Sierra Leone, while the SLPP (and more recently the PMDC) ‘strongholds’ are considered to be the Southern and Eastern Mende-dominated provinces.

Some Sierra Leoneans recognize the ethnic/political divide in the country and are calling for an end to tribalism in (and outside) of politics. Alfred Sorie Kargbo, a Sierra Leonean in the diaspora, argues that “What tribe a person is, or which region is he/she from, should never be a matter of concern in Sierra Leone politics…again. Tribalism, sectionalism and regionalism have not benefited Sierra Leone a bit[,] instead [they] have put [sic] us apart, created marginalization and abject poverty.”⁶ Instead, Kargbo argues that Sierra Leoneans should look past ethnicity when it comes to politics and learn from the mistakes of the past (i.e. the war) in order to create a nation that serves Sierra Leoneans and not people of a specific ethnic group.

It is unlikely that the politization of ethnicity will disappear anytime soon; however, with the emergence of the relatively new political party (as of the 2007 election), the People’s Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), the power and politics of ethnicity may soon be shifting as the Mende-majority see some of its constituency being pulled away.

The politicization of these various ethnic identities is just one example of the many effects colonialism has had in Sierra Leone. Sierra Leone as we know it (obviously) did not exist before it became a British protectorate/colony. However, post-independence it became necessary for ethnic identities to become politicized for elite survival in high political offices. As the previous statement by Alfred Sorie Kargbo said, ethnicity should never matter - yet unfortunately it does because colonialism had made it matter.  However, I remain hopeful that Sierra Leone will be one of the first African nation-states to begin to de-politicize ethnicity and place a greater emphasis on its shared Sierra Leonean identity for the benefit of its own people.

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¹ Jimmy D. Kandeh, "Politicization of Ethnic Identities in Sierra Leone," African Studies Review, 35, no. 1 (1992): 82.

² Republic of Sierra Leone, "Ethnic Groups," Last modified August 8, 2008, http://www.siera-leone.org/2008/08/08/ethnic-groups/.

³ Ibid.

⁴See Jimmy D. Kandeh, "Politicization of Ethnic Identities in Sierra Leone," African Studies Review, 35, no. 1 (1992): 81-99.

⁵ Ibid., 81, 91.

⁶ Alfred Sorie Kargbo, “Who Do You Think He Is? A Leader of a Tribe or Sierra Leonean?,” Sierra Express Media, May 19, 2012, http://www.sierraexpressmedia.com/archives/40958.

Contextualizing Contemporary Sierra Leonean Politics

Independence and Early Politics

Sierra Leone was split between a British colony and a British protectorate until it gained its independence in 1961. Before independence, Sierra Leone was considered the Athens of West Africa given that it had a reputable (and the only) college in the region, Foray Bay College. Furthermore, Sierra Leone was also the territory upon which many freed slaves from England, the West Indies, and North America relocated and created a new ‘ethnic’ identity – Krio, whose language is now considered the lingua franca of the country.

Before the dawn of independence, Sir Milton Margai, then Chief Minister of the colony, along with Siaka Stevens and a few dozen other representatives traveled to England to negotiate decolonization plans with the Crown. During negotiations, Margai pushed for England’s disengagement from Sierra Leone after independence.¹ The conference concluded with England agreeing to grant Sierra Leone its independence on April 27, 2961. All delegates signed the declaration of independence except Siaka Stevens, who saw various flaws with the plan.

Sir Milton Margai became Sierra Leone’s first Prime Minister upon independence in 1961. The following year, Sierra Leone saw its first nation-wide post-independence elections where Sir Milton Margai was up for relection as part of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) and with opposition from the disgruntled Siaka Stevens of his newly formed All People’s Congress (APC). I interviewed Francis Ansumana, a political science student in the city of Bo, about the history of Sierra Leonean politics and he stated that during this first post-independence election, Magrai launched voting early and participated in “many malpractices” which ensured his victory.² Sir Milton Magrai was eventually succeeded by his cousin, Albert Margai who attempted instituting a one-party state. This declaration by Albert Margai set Sierra Leone on a rough political road towards undemocratic politics for the decades to follow.

Despite his undemocratic ways, Albert Magrai allowed for nation-wide elections in 1967, which were won by Siaka Stevens of the All People’s Congress. After being overthrown in a bloodless coup, Stevens returned to power in 1968 when he declared a one party state in order to stop the “violence”.³ After being in power for eighteen years, Stevens stepped down and allowed for ‘elections’, which were won by his chosen successor, Joseph Saidu Momoh, whom Stevens politically controlled for nearly three years until his death.⁴ Momoh continued as President until he was overthrown by Valentine Strasser and Julius Maada Bio (among various others) in a military coup. As explained by Francis Ansumana, “Whenever there is fracas in a country, the military must take over”.⁵ The coup leaders formed a military junta under the name of National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC), which failed at handling the civil war which was then tearing the country apart. Julius Maada Bio stated his desire to return the nation back to a democratic, civilian government and subsequently aided in the arrest of Valentine Strasser and set up elections in 1996, which were won by Ahmad Tejan Kabbah of the SLPP.⁶ After yet another military coup, democratically elected President Kabbah was reinstated as Head of State in 1998.

Democratic elections were held again in 2002 which were won by the incumbent Ahmad Tejan Kabbah who was considered to be the “…strong pillar [which] stopped the war in [Sierra Leone]”.⁷ Kabbah’s two-term limit was up in 2007 when the first post-war elections were held where an incumbent was not eligible to contest.

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¹ Francis Ansumana, interview by Karen Kilberg, Bo, Sierra Leone, December 11, 2011.

² Ibid.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Ibid.

⁵ Ibid.

⁶ Ibid.

⁷ Ibid.